By Gary A. Donaldson
The usa had super possibilities after global conflict II. The nation's business may well, geared to defeat Germany and Japan, may possibly now be curious about household creation. actual wages have been up, the GNP was once at the upward thrust, commercial creation used to be up, and inflation was once less than keep an eye on. the long run seemed brilliant for the common American. yet this abundance used to be punctuated with nervousness. inside of 4 years of the top of the warfare, the Soviet Union had develop into the hot enemy: that they had the bomb and China and japanese Europe had fallen into the Soviet sphere of impression. those issues, the abundance of the transforming into financial system and the nervousness of the chilly conflict, outlined the interval from 1945-1960.
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Extra resources for Abundance and Anxiety: America, 1945-1960
It had strength in its membership alone. Out front were names like Eleanor Roosevelt and her three sons, Hubert Humphrey, the Alsop brothers, theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, historians Arthur Schlesinger (Senior and Junior), the young William Leuchtenburg, actor Melvyn Douglas, and even Ronald Reagan in his celebrated liberal days. The ADA had been formed from the bankrupt Union for Democratic Action in January 1947, just days after the PCA was organized, and two months after the Truman administration was handed its embarrassing loss in the midterm elections of November 1946.
Considering the power that Taft wielded in the party, the Dewey–Warren ticket was moderate, so moderate that it generally disavowed the 80th Congress and its conservative domestic agenda—which was directed by Taft. Dewey was young, only forty-six in 1948, and he appealed to progressive urban voters who traditionally favored the Democrats. But his personality was less than appealing: standoffish, priggish, and often openly selfimportant. ’’24 Dewey seemed on the road to victory against the fragmented Democrats, but his confidence pushed him to avoid central issues.
The popular vote, however, was closer: 24,200,000 to 22,000,000. Thurmond won 1,200,000 popular votes and thirty-nine electoral votes in the South. Wallace received a paltry 1,100,000 and no electoral votes, although Wallace voters in New York and possibly New Jersey gave those states to the Republicans. ’’ And certainly labor saw that a vote for Wallace (or not voting in protest, as many work- Domestic Politics in Truman’s First Term 21 ers had done in 1946) was to vote for a conservative, antilabor Congress.